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Moreover, relationship experience in adolescence is associated with an increased likelihood of cohabitation and marriage in young adulthood. These findings indicate that instead of being trivial or fleeting, adolescent romantic relationships are an integral part of the social scaffolding on which young adult romantic relationships rest.

Much of the literature on social development during the transition to adulthood has focused on the role of key earlier relationships with parents and peers in constructing the social landscape on which young adult relationships will develop. Prior to the mids virtually no research considered the developmental currency provided by adolescent romantic relationships. The paucity of research in this area can be attributed to several factors including skepticism regarding the importance of perceived short-lived or trivial relationships, research and funding focus on sexual not romantic relationships, and difficulty of both measuring adolescent romance and accounting for romantic relationships using existing theories of social or interpersonal development Brown, Feiring, and Furman ; Collins The past decade has seen a marked increase in studies on adolescent romantic relationships.

This increase is driven by a number of factors. First, romantic relationships have been implicated both in negative behaviors Neeman, Hubbard and Masten and psychosocial well-being Joyner and Udry ; Davies and Windle and cited as imperative for development Giordano ; Giordano, Longmore, and Manning ; Erikson Thus, researchers have aimed to identify the age, stage, and social conditions under which such relationships are pro-social or maladaptive. Especially relevant for the study of social development, young people are delaying marriage so that the average age at first marriage is 25 for women and 27 for men U.

Census Bureau At the same time, half of all adolescents report romantic involvement by the age of 15 Carver, Joyner, and Udry This means that on average, adolescents have ten to twelve years of romantic experience prior to marriage. Not only is this a significant span of time, it is also dense with regard to individual and interpersonal development Dornbusch Finally, theories have developed and adapted to more fully account for romantic experience in adolescence Furman and Wehner ; Brown ; Connolly and Goldberg ; Allen and Land ; Collins ; Collins and Sroufe ; Giordano ; Giordano et al.

Empirical research to test new theoretical propositions has begun to appear in the literature, yet gaps remain in the evidentiary base.

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Thus, understanding adolescent romantic relationships becomes a timely and compelling research objective. In this paper we review and integrate existing theories on the development of romantic experience through adolescence and into adulthood. We then review findings from empirical forays into the romantic lives of adolescents.

Next, guided by theory we conduct prospective empirical analyses that describe patterns of relationship involvement, assess their correlates, and estimate the associations between relationship progression and both qualitative cts of adolescent relationships and the formation of young adult relationships. Our analyses use the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health Add Healthdata that has proven useful in other studies of adolescent romance Joyner and Udry ; Giordano et al.

Our contribution with these data is unique because we test developmental theories and empirically follow adolescents into young adulthood by utilizing all three waves of the data. Finally, we integrate our findings with those of other studies and assess future research needs.

Several important theoretical schemas have emerged to help make sense of how adolescent romantic relationships fit into the existing social relationship order and how they develop over time.

While these schemas are relatively new, they have roots in earlier theories of development. Furman and Wehner offer a behavioral systems approach to understand the various developmental tasks accomplished by adolescent romance. Furman and Wehner arrive at this conceptualization of adolescent romantic relationships by merging ideas from attachment theory e. According to the behavioral systems approach, the affiliative function of adolescent romantic relationships offers companionship, reciprocity and cooperation.

The attachment system is characterized by love, closeness, bonding, and feelings of security, and the care giving system is represented by support and assistance between partners.

In fact, these latter two systems may not manifest until early adulthood. The behavioral systems model suggests that systems are engaged in a cumulative fashion, rather than a progression where one system gives way to another. While Furman and Wehner describe behavioral systems in adolescent romantic relationships, Brown and Connolly and Goldberg introduce phase- or stage-based models of the progression of romantic experience during adolescence. Similarities between the progression models of Brown and Connolly and Goldberg allow for the identification of four distinct phases: initiation, affiliation, intimateand committed 1.

Both of these models are rooted in early work by Dunphy on the progression of adolescent romantic relationships from crowds to heterosexual dyads. In the initiation phase, attraction and desire are key feelings, but actual contact between potential partners is limited.

In the affiliation phase, opposite-sex individuals interact in group settings. This provides opportunities to learn how to interact with the opposite sex and to meet potential partners.

In the intimate phase, couples form and begin to distance themselves from the peer group to focus emotional energies on the dyadic relationship. In the committed phase, couples share emotional and physical intimacy, exhibit care giving behavior, and serve as attachment figures. When assessed as partially overlapping and complementary perspectives, the system and phase conceptualizations lead to similar hypotheses regarding adolescent romantic relationships.

Together, these theories suggest that the normative adolescent relationship experience would start in early adolescence with a short-lived relationship that is characterized by group dating. Then in middle adolescence one would progress to multiple short-lived relationships that are decreasingly group focused and increasingly characterized by both sexual and, to a lesser extent, emotional intimacy.

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Finally, in late adolescence or early adulthood, one would progress to a single committed, sexual, and exclusive relationship of longer duration see too Seiffge-Krenke Of course this is only a normative experience, and individuals are expected to deviate from this idealized progression model due to individual factors as well as social and cultural conditions Cohen, Kasen, Chen, Hartmark, and Gordon The theory-building of the last decade has motivated an encouraging amount of high quality empirical work to test these theories.

This research has touched on the number, duration, and quality of romantic relationships. Most often, researchers investigate how the number of partners and average relationship duration vary with age and gender, and how relationship quality varies with the duration of the relationship. Below we highlight some key empirical findings from many studies on discrete dimensions of romantic relationships and three relatively new studies on the theoretical model of relationship progression outlined above.

First, with regard to the accumulation of romantic experience, data from Add Health indicate that while about one-quarter of year-olds report romantic involvement, nearly 75 percent of all year-olds report such involvement Carver et al.

Shulman and Scharf also show that older adolescents have a higher likelihood of currently being in a romantic relationship. Boys are more likely to be involved in relationships until age 15, at which time girls surpass boys in the prevalence of romantic involvement Carver et al Similarly, Davies and Windle find that among and year-olds, a higher percentage of females than males report being in a steady relationship, and a higher percentage of males than females report no relationship or only a single, casual partner.

This finding suggests that relationship type steady v.

casual may differ by gender as well. Regarding duration, older adolescents report longer relationships than younger adolescents Carver et al. In addition, girls report longer relationships than boys Carver et al ; Shulman and Scharf Contrary to conventional beliefs about the ephemeral nature of adolescent romance, Carver and colleagues find the median relationship duration to be 14 months, with wide variation by age. They find the average duration among to year-olds is 5 months, among to year-olds it is 8 months, and among those to years-old it is 20 months 2.

While it is likely that adolescent romantic relationship experiences also differ by these factors, the evidence is thin. In general, most research findings are consistent with the idea that relationship qualities vary with age such that early adolescents have more affiliative, companionate relationships while older adolescents have more committed, loving, and supportive relationships Shulman and Kipnis ; Shulman and Scharf Older adolescents rate support from their romantic partners as more important than support from their best friends and parents compared to younger adolescents who rate parents or peers higher Seiffge-Krenke or do not differentiate support from parents, peers, and partners Connolly and Johnson Regarding relationship behaviors, Carver and colleagues find that with age, partners engage in behaviors that suggest higher levels of relationship commitment and intensity e.

In addition to age, relationship duration impacts on quality such that longer relationships are characterized by more attachment-like characteristics Miller and Hoicowitz ; this may be the case at any age. However as relationships age, so too do the partners in them. Therefore, relationship duration and age are inextricably tied to one another. Regarding gender differences in relationship qualities, empirical investigations invariably find that females are more relationship-focused than males Galliher, Welsh, Rostosky, and Kawaguchi Girls value relationships more for interpersonal qualities while boys value them for physical attraction Feiring However, recent research offers a portrait of gender differences in relationships that is somewhat different than suggested by past research.

Using evidence from the Toledo Adolescent Relationship Study, Giordano and colleagues show that boys have less confidence than, and similar levels of emotional engagement to girls in relationships. Furthermore, boys report that their partners have greater power and influence in relationships. Perhaps adolescent gender norms are changing see Risman and Schwartz Empirical investigations are beginning to test the idea of a progression model of romantic relationship development.

A recent prospective study by Connolly and colleagues uses a sample of Canadian 5 th through 8 th graders to test whether early adolescents move through romantic involvement phases as predicted by theory - sequentially and progressively as opposed to out of order or regressively.

They also test whether adolescents are more likely to stay in one stage rather than move to another over the course of a year. They find that adolescents pro gress rather than re gress through stages of romantic relationships, that they do so mostly sequentially rather than by skipping a stage, and that there is a fair amount of stage stability over the course of one year.

When comparing adolescents of European, Caribbean, and Asian descent, the authors find that European and Caribbean adolescents followed the expected progression while Asian adolescents did not progress in their relationship formation at all over the one-year period. A second empirical study by Davies and Windle examines dating pathways over a one year interval among middle adolescents and year-olds in a local sample.

In this study, respondents are classified into four relationship patterns defined at two points in time over one year: 1 no dating relationships; 2 a single, casual dating relationship; 3 multiple, casual relationships; and 4 steady dating relationships. The cross-classification of these four patterns of dating at times 1 and 2 reveals several patterns consistent with the relationship progression idea.

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Common transitions between the two time points are: 1 from no dating to a single, casual relationship; 2 from a single casual relationship to multiple casual relationships; 3 from a single casual relationship to a steady dating relationship; and 4 from multiple casual relationships to a steady dating relationship. In this study, most respondents experienced transitions between these types of dating experiences, and most transitions followed the orderly patterns predicted by theory - forward progress from fewer short and less intense relationships to more relationships overall, often to a single committed steady relationship.

Finally, a recent study by Seiffge-Krenke uses a prospective sample of West German subjects to assess the individual and relationship precursors to and developmental sequence of adolescent to young adult relationships.

Results confirm that with age adolescents gain more experience, maintain relationships for longer durations, and give higher ratings of partner support. Moreover, adolescent romantic relationships exhibit stronger effects on young adult relationship quality than peer relationships or conceptions of the self.

Thus, while other studies have examined the influence of earlier relationships in other domains, it appears that relationships in the same domain romantic hold more sway over young adult relationships. While the prior empirical research is instructive, several limitations remain. First, most studies examine one or a few discrete cts of relationships like number of partners or duration or qualities of relationships.

While most studies examine age and gender differences in one of the aforementioned cts, few studies examine the influence of other demographic characteristics, and rarely do studies examine relationship and individual characteristics together. Two of the aforementioned studies are ground-breaking in their use of prospective data to confirm propositions about how adolescents enter and progress in romantic relationships during early Connolly et al and middle Davies and Windle adolescence.

However, these studies do not cover a wide age range or span of time. Seiffge-Krenke accounts for relationships over a wider age range, but because the analysis ends at age 21, it may miss the bulk of the transition to adulthood which some suggests stretches into the 30s Arnett A primary disadvantage of such samples is their homogeneity compared to the experience of all adolescents.

Local norms probably condition the process of romantic relationship development as much as age or gender does. Therefore, considering homogeneous subjects in a single or several schools in a geographically limited area substantially restricts generalizability.

While several high quality studies have described adolescent romantic relationships using the Add Health data, they have used only one Carver et al or two Joyner and Udry ; Giordano et al waves of these data.

This means that observations end at about age 18 and miss young adult relationships. One new study by Raley and colleagues uses Add Health data to examine the influence of time 1 relationships on duration to cohabitation and marriage at time 3 among only the oldest sample members. To date, none of these studies explicitly test developmental theories of relationship progression over time. The present study describes relationship patterns over the course of approximately seven years by considering both relationship type and quality among a nationally representative sample of adolescents during the transition to adulthood.

The sample consists of adolescents ages at time 1at time 2 and at time 3allowing us to test the idea of relationship progression across a wider age range than has been possible in past studies. In addition, at each interview, respondents report retrospectively on multiple recent romantic relationships, allowing us to capture more than current relationship experience. Although there are not rich measures on romantic relationship qualities, we include a few available measures to give us some sense of how relationships change qualitatively across adolescence.

With these data we investigate four research questions:. How are relationship qualities different for those with different patterns of involvement? How do adolescent relationship patterns correlate with young adult relationship formation? The National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health includes respondents in grades in who are followed-up in a second interview approximately one year later in and a third interview in In these analyses, we describe relationships in adolescence by pattern of involvement and relationship qualities for those with relationships.

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In these analyses, we investigate the influence of adolescent relationships on young adult relationship involvement. All multivariate analyses are weighted to adjust for differences in selection probabilities and response rates Chantala and Tabor ; Tourangeau and Shin Questions on romantic relationships were administered by Audio Computer Assisted Self-Interview ACASI.

This means that respondents hear questions through head phones and see them on a computer screen. They enter responses into the computer without assistance or interference from an interviewer. This method is used to get the most honest answers possible on potentially sensitive matters. We define an adolescent romantic relationship using two sets of questions.

First, at times 1 and 2, respondents are asked to report on up to three special romantic relationships in the past 18 months.

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Second, if respondents do not identify any special romantic relationships, they are asked whether they have held hands with, hugged, or kissed anyone not family members in the past 18 months. If they respond affirmatively to all three questions, they are asked whether they did these things with the same person. Thus, we include both those who initially respond that they have had one or more special romantic relationship and those who do not report a special romantic relationship but have engaged in the three affectionate behaviors listed above.

From these definitions, we create four categories of relationship experiences at time 1 and time 2: 1 no relationships; 2 one, casual relationship; 3 multiple relationships; and 4 one, steady relationship 6.

Some have suggested that the Add Health definition of a romantic relationship is too narrow because it excludes relationships that adolescents do not consider special Furman and Hand The inclusion of liked relationships should partially mitigate against this limitation. In addition, we are interested in those relationships that are most important for the development of young adult romantic relationships. We acknowledge that less special relationships are likely to provide some developmental currency, yet we believe those defined as special and their liked relationship counterparts together represent the most developmentally significant adolescent romantic relationships.

Still, we note that our analyses may over estimate the effects of adolescent romantic relationships in general if this definition captures only the most serious ones. To measure relationship patterning during adolescence, we use a cross-classification of the four categories of relationship type at time 1 and time 2 as defined above. This classification results in sixteen cells and we group these into six theoretically informed categories of common patterns in our data: 1 no relationships reported at either time point; 2 forward movement from none to one casual or multiple partners or from one casual partner to multiple partners; 3 stability in either the one casual or multiple partners categories; 4 regression or backward movement; 5 forward movement from none, one casual, or multiple partners to steady dating; and 6 stability in the steady dating category 7.

Add Health contains a few measures that describe the qualities of romantic relationships. While these measures are not as comprehensive as those used in many studies e. attachment scalesthey may at least hint at the content of these relationships. Dyadic mixing indicates the degree to which adolescents interact or go out exclusively with their partner. We expect that relationships will become more dyadic and more sexually and emotionally intimate over the course of adolescence.

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We consider three measures of relationship experience in young adulthood-ages 18 to 25 at time 3. We consider the number of relationships respondents have had in the past six years and their cohabitation and marriage histories. To determine the number of relationships in the past six years, we use responses to a query asking respondents to list all romantic and sexual relationships since the summer of With regard to cohabitation and marriage experience, we consider whether respondents have ever cohabited with a partner or ever married.

Both are coded 1 if they have. Table 1 displays descriptive statistics for all measures used in the analyses.

For our purposes, we group adolescents into three age categories at time 1: youngermiddle and older By time 3, these respondents are approximately, and respectively. Family income was missing in approximately 20 percent of cases. For these cases we substituted the mean level of family income, and included an indicator for missing income in our models.

Family structure is grouped into four categories: biological or adoptive two-parent family, step-family, single-parent family and other family types. Table 2 documents the cross tabulation of relationship types at times 1 and 2. The right-most column gives the distribution of relationship types at time 1, and the bottom row gives the distribution of types at time 2. Across rows, the cells represent the percent in each time 1 relationship type who moved to or stayed in each time 2 relationship type.

When considering the table as a whole, several general patterns are apparent. First, the diagonal shows a substantial amount of stability in relationship type across the one-year time span. About 70 percent of those who report no relationship at time 1 maintain single status at time 2. Among those who are in a steady relationship at time 1, nearly 60 percent are in a steady relationship at time 2.

In a second pattern, among those who change relationship types between times 1 and 2, forward movement is more prevalent than backward movement. Almost 60 percent of all respondents with one casual relationship at time 1 progress to multiple relationships or to one steady relationship at time 2.

Likewise, 53 percent of all respondents with multiple relationships at time 1 progress to a steady relationship at time 2. If we consider only those who changed types by the second time point, 77 percent progressed and 23 percent regressed.

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While all sixteen cells are displayed, we denote the groupings that comprise the six categories of relationship patterns to be analyzed later: 1 no relationships at either time 1 or 2; 2 progression to one casual or multiple relationships; 3 stability in one casual or multiple relationships; 4 regression in relationship types; 5 progression to a steady relationship; and 6 stable in steady relationships.

We group in this way to capture stability, change, and the direction of change. Among those in the stability categories 1, 3, and 6those in the stable no relationships, stable one or multiple relationships, and the stable steady categories have quite different relationship experiences.

Likewise, moving forward to one or multiple relationships denotes relationship up-take, whereas moving forward to a steady relationship probably represents an individual who is further along in the relationship progression. The regression category is interesting in that it represents respondents who have moved backwards in the idealized progression, or may simply be experiencing a lull in dating when interviewed.

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So, while those who regress are not actively moving forward in their relationship progression at the time of the second interview, on average they have a fair amount of prior relationship experience and may be experiencing a temporary abeyance in their relationship progression Cohen et al To assess socio-demographic attributes associated with adolescent relationship experience, we use multinomial logistic regression to estimate relative risk ratios. In Table 3each progression pattern is compared to those with the least common pattern in our sample: those who have progressed from none to one casual or multiple relationships, or more simply, relationship up-take.

The first contrast shows that females, middle and older adolescents, and those from step or other family structures are less likely to have no relationships over the course of adolescence, while black, Asian, and low-income adolescents are more likely to have no relationships. The second contrast shows that relationship regression or backward movement is more likely only among the oldest and black adolescents.

However, the risk is substantial in the case of the oldest adolescents - they are more than twice as likely to regress as to take-up relationships because they already have experience.

The third contrast shows no statistically significant socio-demographic differences between relationship uptake and stable low-levels of involvement in one casual or multiple relationships. Multinomial Logistic Model of Adolescent Relationship Progression Relative Risk Ratios.

The forth contrast shows that middle and older, black, and low-income adolescents are more likely to progress to a steady relationship by time 2. This contrast is interesting when juxtaposed with the first contrast that shows that black and low-income adolescents are more likely to have no relationships.

This indicates that while adolescents in these groups are more likely to have no relationships, if romantically involved, they are more likely to progress to steady relationships. The fifth and final contrast shows that females, middle and older adolescents, and those from single-parent families are more likely and Asian adolescents are less likely to have steady relationships across the course of adolescence In Table 4 we examine associations between relationship patterns and qualities in a multivariate context.

We estimate logistic regression models and report odds ratios. For all models, we again use the pattern of relationship up-take as the reference. Model 1 displays the odds of dyadic mixing.

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Model 1 also shows that those who regressed or progressed to a steady relationship or were in a steady relationship at both times are between 1. Girls and middle or older teens are more likely to report dyadic involvement, whereas black and low-income teens are less likely to do so. Model 2 estimates the odds of sexual intercourse. Again, those who are stable in one or multiple relationships are statistically indistinguishable from those who took up relationships.

Adolescents who regressed or who progressed toward a steady relationship are more than two times more likely to have had sex in their most recent relationship. Furthermore, those who were in a steady relationship at both times are six times as likely to have had sex.

Model 3 estimates the odds of high emotional intimacy given different relationship patterns. Similar to the results of the first two models, those in stable steady relationships are especially likely to report high intimacy OR: 6. Those who have progressed to a steady relationship are almost 4 times as likely, and those who regressed are twice as likely to report high levels of emotional intimacy in their most recent relationship compared to those taking up relationships.

Girls are more likely and black and Hispanic teens are less likely to report emotional intimacy. There are no age or family structure differences in intimacy net of relationship patterning. Taken together the models in Table 4 are consistent with the phase and systems theoretical models of relationship development.

As adolescents progress towards steady relationships, their relationships become more dyadic, sexual, and emotionally involved. Looking now at later relationships in young adulthood, we turn to Table 5 to examine associations between adolescent relationship experiences and young adult relationship history in a multivariate context.

We estimate the number of relationships sinceand the odds of ever marrying and ever cohabitating outside of marriage. To retain participants who reported no romantic relationships in adolescence, we changed the sexual intercourse measure slightly to indicate whether or not the respondent ever had sex based on their time 1 and 2 reports rather than whether or not they had sex in their most recent relationship at time 2.

This allows us to include the sexual experience of those who did not report a relationship at time 2 but may still have had sex in an earlier relationship or outside of the context of a romantic relationship. For the same reason, we drop the measures of dyadic mixing and emotional intimacy.

Unfortunately, we do not have measures of these constructs that are not tied to the most recent relationship at time 2.

In ancillary analyses, we tested models that included the three quality measures among the sub-sample of those who reported a relationship at time 2, and only the sexual intercourse variable was significant. We show two models for each time 3 outcome.

The first is without socio-demographic controls, and the second adds our control variables. Theories on relationship development suggest that individuals who are further along the relationship progression should be more likely to have cohabitated or married by time 3 Furman and Wehner We also expect that sexual intercourse in adolescence, to the degree that it signals commitment, will predict marriage and perhaps also cohabitation.

Those who were less far along in the relationship progression as adolescents may have fewer relationships in the last six years if they are generally less interested or have fewer opportunities for relationships.

Those who did not have sex in adolescence may report fewer relationships if they are more generally restrictive regarding relationships. Model 1A estimates the influence of adolescent relationship patterns on the number of relationships the respondent had since without controls. Those who had no adolescent relationships also have substantially fewer relationships in the past six years Coeff.

Those who were sexually active in adolescence have more relationships by time 3. When controls are entered in Model 1B, there are no statistically significant differences between the relationship progression patterns for those who reported any type of relationship in adolescence. However, those who reported no relationships in adolescence still have on average one less relationship by time 3 Coeff. In addition, the positive association between adolescent sex and number of relationships increases slightly in magnitude and remains significant.

Regarding control variables, the very oldest respondents and black, Hispanic, and low-income adolescents accumulate fewer relationships by time 3 than their younger, white and higher-income counterparts. The indicator for missing family income is also significant indicating fewer relationships among these respondents. Model 2A estimates the odds of ever cohabiting with a romantic partner by time 3 without controls. This shows that only those who had no relationships in adolescence are at reduced odds of cohabitation OR: 0.

Those with any relationship experience in adolescence are not statistically different in their odds of cohabitation.

Adolescent sex triples the odds of cohabitation, perhaps signifying less restrictive attitudes towards relationships in general. When controls are added in Model 2B, the findings for adolescent relationship patterns and sex remain. Many of the controls are significant as well.

Females, middle and older adolescents, those from non-intact or low-income families are also more likely to have cohabited. Only blacks and Hispanics are less likely to have cohabited by time 3. Model 3A estimates the odds of having married by time 3 without controls. Here we see that those who have progressed to or sustained steady involvement in adolescence are more likely to have married by time 3.

Those who report intercourse in one or both of the first two waves are also more likely to have married.

When controls are added in Model 3B only those in the stable steady adolescent relationship pattern remain more likely to have married by time 3 OR: 1. Having sex in adolescence also remains significant OR: 1. Much like the findings for cohabitation in Model 2B, females, middle and older adolescents, those from step families or other family types, and those from low-income families or where income is missing are also more likely to be married by time 3.

Only blacks are less likely to be married. Because our sample ranges from 18 to 25 at time 3, many respondents are quite young for having cohabitation, and especially marriage, experience. However, the lack of such experience probably does not indicate a lack of relationship experience altogether.

To get some insight into other types of young adult romantic relationships, we tested the associations between adolescent relationship experiences and current relationship status single, dating exclusively, dating non-exclusively, cohabiting but not engaged, engaged, and married at the time of the third interview not shown.

We did not find significant associations between adolescent relationships and current relationship status. Following respondents in the next wave of the Add Health data to be collected in will allow us to assess more time-normative young adult relationship experiences and their adolescent precursors. While our primary interest in Table 5 is in the influence of earlier relationship experiences on young adult relationship status, we must acknowledge that our set of socio-demographic characteristics, which are largely ascribed characteristics, have persistent effects on young adult relationships.

Some general conclusions can be drawn. First, females, older respondents, and those from non-intact or low income families of origin are more likely to have cohabited or married by young adulthood. This is consistent with population statistics that indicate that women marry earlier than men U. Census Bureauand those from non-intact family structures are also more likely to marry or cohabit at a young age Aquilino ; Goldscheider and Goldscheider We also find that blacks are only one-half to two-thirds as likely as whites to have cohabited or married by time 3, and blacks, Hispanics, and those from low-income families report fewer relationships from adolescence to young adulthood.

That blacks are less likely to have married is completely consistent with the findings of numerous past studies e. g Wilson ; Randell Theories on romantic relationship development in adolescence posit a progression of involvement and a change in relationship quality to more emotional and physical intensity and more dyadic mixing with age, relationship duration, and experience in romantic relationships.

In addition, theory suggests that adolescent romantic relationships should be an integral part of the social scaffolding on which young adult romantic relationships rest. Furthermore, as the age at formal union formation increases in the U. In this study, we set out to review and integrate theories and prior empirical studies on the development of romantic experiences during the transition to adulthood.

To test these theories, we wanted to empirically assess the types, qualities, and patterns of romantic relationships in adolescence and into adulthood with a large, longitudinal, and representative dataset that follows adolescents into early adulthood.

With the Add Health data we were able to confirm the theoretically suggested normative pattern of relationship development in adolescence. Specifically, with regard to relationship patterning over time, we confirm on a national level the prior findings with age-limited and localized data that pro gression is more prevalent than re gression in relationship experience Connolly et al Still, we find somewhat more evidence of backward movement.

Our study probably observes more regression because our participants have more relationship experience on average and are older, on average when we first observe them.

Thus, they have accumulated more relationship experience from which to regress at our first point of observation. Our findings with regard to stability over time should not be ignored or forgotten.

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